Behind the Cowley crackdown
Socialist Organiser1980sTranscribed by hand from the printed page.
BL see the sacking of Alan Thornett as a major strategic move in relation to the future of the Cowley plant.
They are trying to finally resolve the contradiction which has existed for some time between their decision to develop the Cowley complex into a major production area, with a capacity of up to ¾ million cars a year, and the militant history of the plant.
Their development decision was a practical one, taken in light of the body and assembly facilities next door to each other offered by the complex. But it was taken along with a decision to virtually smash the trade unions and gain complete and unchallenged control over the substantial investment they were planning.
This, dovetailing into the general strategy of BL — broadly along the same lines — creates the kind of situation which has developed in the plant over the past two years.
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A shop stewards' movement of well over 300 has been reduced to double figures.
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Full time trade union positions have been reduced from 20 (on both shifts) to two.
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Shop stewards' facilities have been reduced to a level where top management openly say they only tolerate shop stewards in order to use them to operate the discipline procedure.
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Quarterly shop stewards' meetings, traditionally held on the plant, have been banned, and stewards' meetings only allowed on rare occasions when it suits the management.
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The convenors are disciplined if they call, or even attend, 'unconstitutional' meetings on the plant.
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Convenors are disciplined if they call shop stewards' meetings off plant in working hours.
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Shop stewards have been framed and constantly threatened with victimisation.
Management by fear and intimidation was progressively introduced.
This year the 'blue document', forced in in 1980 but never effectively implemented, was introduced. It gave management control of the workforce through the abolition of the seniority agreements, except where individual sections fought to keep them.
At the same time the 'productivity audit', agreed by the general secretaries during the 1981 wage review, was used to give management virtually total control of manning levels.
At the end of September this year, the Assembly Plant management began a policy of sending threatening letters to everyone involved in unofficial strike action. They claimed there had been 56 strikes on the plant since May — which is not surprising given the conditions, although most of them were very short.
Since then the letters have been building up, and the threats getting harsher every time. 'Next time we will take disciplinary action against you'... 'Next time we will dismiss you'... 'Next time you will be instantly dismissed'... etc.
Spirit
These successes, however, are not enough. The spirit of the workforce has not been broken. This was clearly shown last week by the backlash in the North Works against intimidation.
A fightback which could defeat BL strategy is quite clearly on the cards, and BL have no intention of sitting around and waiting for that to happen.
The successful victimisation of Alan Thornett would be a major blow against such a fightback, and would create the conditions for the next stage of the management offensive, which goes with the introduction of the LM10 model into the South Works.
This new medium hatchback, which moves from its pre-production stage into production proper next week, will see a new level of hard-line management sweat-shop conditions.
The defence of Alan Thornett, therefore, is completely bound up with the future of the plant itself and the conditions the workers have to face.
A chronicle of destruction
A dated chronology printed alongside the article.
1968 — British Leyland created after a series of amalgamations among vehicle-producing firms.
April 1974 — First victimisation of Alan Thornett: one month strike against move by company not to recognise him as deputy convenor or shop steward.
1976 — Ryder Plan for BL: workers' 'participation' in management.
October 1977 — Michael Edwardes appointed chairman of BL.
1 February 1978 — First Edwardes plan: includes 12,500 job cuts.
15 February 1978 — Closure of Speke no.2 plant announced. Beginning of a massive job massacre over Edwardes' five years.
November 1979 — Derek Robinson, convenor at Longbridge and chair of the combine committee, sacked for putting his name to a pamphlet criticising BL's plans. Immediate strike action (made official by TGWU), sabotaged by AUEW leadership.
February 1980 — AUEW inquiry into Robinson sacking finds that he acted 'irresponsibly', but sacking was unfair. Half-hearted official strike call voted down at mass meeting.
April 1980 — 5 per cent pay deal for 1979-80, and 92 pages of strings, imposed unilaterally by decree. Workers who strike against this decree warned that they will automatically be sacked: union leaders crumple.
November 1980 — 6.8 per cent pay deal forced through for 1980-81.
December 1980 — Eight workers at Longbridge sacked after a stoppage and demonstration in the plant. Strike to defend them beaten down by threat to sack all the strikers.
November 1981 — 3.8% pay deal imposed for 1981-2 by trade union general secretaries, over the heads of the Joint Negotiating Committee, under pressure of threats from Edwardes.
1982 — Management pressure stepped up in the plants. Two-year pay deal forced through for 1982-4. November 10: Alan Thornett sacked.
Our answer
A policy box printed with the article.
BRITISH Leyland is publicly owned. Yet it sets the pace, not for workers' rights, but for management gangsterism.
Nationalisation was not a way out the mad international capitalist rat race in the motor industry. It was just another way for the bosses to organise themselves for that rat race.
For workers, the only answer is to fight for workers' control. The first essential is full information about management's plans — open the books and end commercial secrecy!
Having opened the company's books, the BL workers should work out their own work schedules, based on work sharing with no loss of jobs or pay. With combine-wide solidarity and the willingness to seize the factories if necessary, the BL workers can enforce this workers' control.
They can establish links with workers in the car components firms and in the other giant car firms in Britain and internationally, to fight for a workers' plan in the industry in place of capitalist throat-cutting.