The miners' strike and the trade union left
Labour Briefing1980sTranscribed by hand from the printed page.
THE miners' strike has clearly radicalised the political situation in Britain and is giving a powerful lead to the working class in how to confront the gang of asset strippers and union busters who mascarade as a government. At the same time the stand being taken by Arthur Scargill and the left in the NUM is providing a well-needed pointer to the left in the rest of the trade union movement.
The reality is that, despite very important electoral successes, the trade union left has been in serious crisis over its failure to assert any credible independence from the right wing or point an independent way forward for the workers in the unions where it has won the leadership.
The Broad Left leadership of the CPSA floundered over the DHSS strikes in the winter of 1982/3.
The Broad Left majority in the POEU leadership floundered with an elitist, legalistic approach to the privatisation struggle. Their policy of selective action and strike pay based on full wages linked to a consistent failure to challenge the influence of unelected full-time officials like Bryan Stanley led to the collapse of the POEU when faced with the Mercury injunction – creating a major breakthrough for the Tebbit laws.
The Broad Left leadership of the NUR had no more answers to BR's workshop closure programme than the AUEW leadership.
Serious Mistake
In the NUM itself the failure to back last year's South Wales strike under pressure from the right wing – the calling of an emergency executive meeting which led to a national ballot – was a serious mistake by Scargill. The betrayal of Kinneil was a disaster. After that, every pit which struck was left in isolation, despite the militancy which was obvious amongst the rank and file.
The TUC swung further to the right in September, entering into talks with Tebbit and consolidating a big right-wing majority on the General Council. They gave Thatcher the green light to push forward the Tebbit laws and then turned their backs on the NGA, creating the conditions for the attack on trade union membership at GCHQ.
Throughout this there was no serious challenge from the left to stop the sell-out – at least none which was based on a drive to mobilise the membership against it.
The BLOC conference failed to address the problems – despite a keynote speech from Phil Holt of the POEU Executive, which stressed "the crisis of leadership in the unions" (!). (Not the POEU, of course, that was the model we should build on).
The conference was big, which reflected the important developments taking place in the broad lefts to the left of the Communist Party. But the chance of a serious discussion on the real problems the left has encountered was lost in the desire for a popular rally.
Equally, nothing approaching a serious analysis of the miners' strike took place. Yet the miners' strike is the most important stand a left union leadership has made for many years. It stands in stark contrast to the retreats of the last year.
Driving Force
It is true that the driving force of the strike has been a powerful movement from the rank and file of the NUM – but within that Scargill's stand has been very important. He has not been stampeded by the scabbing in Nottinghamshire or the right-wing campaign for a ballot.
The direction of the strike has also been good. The decision to write to the TUC asking them not to intervene and instead turning to the transport unions has kept the right wing out (and split the TUC). The call for a national strike or a general strike can be made later if the conditions are created for it.
There are serious dangers, of course, like Mick McGahey's deal over Ravenscraig. But the example of a left union leadership basing itself on the rank and file and leading a confrontation with the Tories through a fight against their own right-wing is like a breath of fresh air.
The miners' strike is an historic strike in that its outcome will largely determine conditions in the labour movement – the Labour Party as well as the unions – for a long time to come. It raises the question of what kind of Labour Party we want. Neil Kinnock wants a ballot because the strike might interfere with the May elections. Our job should be to bring the Labour Party into the fight alongside the miners and other sections who may join them if things develop.
A defeat of the strike would create a very serious situation. But if the strike is not headed off by the right wing at tomorrow's executive and the signs are it won't be – it can be not only the most important challenge to Thatcher since she came to power, but an important opportunity for the left to reexamine its role in the struggle for leadership in the unions.